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The Return Home


Aboard Resolution out of Cape Town, meanwhile, any doubt remaining about Cook's achievement in navigation was dispelled by an incident that occurred during the close of the nineteen-day run to the island of St. Helena. The English ship Dutton was still sailing nearby while approaching this first landfall in the Atlantic. So convinced was Cook of "the goodness of Mr Kendals Watch" in giving him his longitude that he had charted a direct course from the south instead of running down the known latitude from the east. On May 14, 1775, he decided without hesitation to sail through the night on the southeast trade, fully expecting to raise land the next morning. Midshipman John Elliott, the sixteen year-old collector of anecdotes, tells us what happened when Dutton hauled up and spoke Resolution. Captain Rice, having a little fun with Cook, politely called over with an offer to help him find the small island. Cook laughed, shouting back that he thought he might find the place all right, and he would run the "jibboom" of Resolution ashore if the Captain liked.2 St. Helena appeared dead ahead at daybreak.

In London, old John Harrison, then aged eighty-two and within a year of his death, would have relished that shouted exchange at sea, which was as much a mark of his skill at watch-making as it was of Cook's pinpoint seamanship. Cook's reply was indeed a well-earned encomium, for the Kendall watch was but a copy, albeit marvelous, of the prize-winning masterpiece that had cost thirty-five years of Harrison's life, a copy of the first reliable marine timepiece and of the ancestor of the modern marine chronometer. Henceforth a tribute of wrecked ships and lost lives need never be paid to faulty navigation. Such was the service rendered to humanity by this carpenter's son from Yorkshire, "longitude Harrison," who made accurate navigation possible. Cook was a happy man.


On landing at James Bay, on May 16, however, Cook soon found that the inhabitants of St. Helena Island were not altogether happy with him. Trouble came with the Hawkesworth edition of the Endeavour voyage, which had arrived first. It seems that acquiring knowledge by reading books was not neglected in the South Atlantic. Naturally the section on St. Helena was perused first and with a good deal of interest, and what was learned was not to anyone's approval. So wanting in ingenuity were the inhabitants, wrote Hawkesworth, that they did not even have wheelbarrows, and he charged them with wanton cruelty to their slaves.

The English ladies lost no time in pointing out that they really knew the wheel. Cook was mortified. His hostesses were good-natured, but all the same an ocean storm was easier to face than their badinage. George Forster, aged twenty-one, enjoyed his captain's discomfiture. The sprightly Mrs. John Skottowe, wife of the Governor, displayed her talents at pleasant raillery from which the sea captain had no escape except to blame the "absent philosophers" who had not consulted him. Although his explanation was sufficient and the hospitality cordial, on many a morning, George was amused to notice, Cook would find a wheelbarrow parked outside his lodgings on shore.3

How the slaves were treated was far more serious a question than whether wheelbarrows were used, of course, and the English settlers were upset by the published charge of cruelty. The entire mix-up resulted from Banks's account of the Endeavour visit of May, 1771. Hawkesworth used the Banks journal to fashion quotations which he thrust into Cook's mouth, in so doing distorting Banks's casual remark that for the local inhabitants wheelbarrows would really be preferable to walking about with burdens on their heads. But in having Cook charge the English settlers with cruelty to slaves, he had not distorted the meaning of Banks's angry outburst, which in the Banks journal was plain enough:4

I am sorry to say that it appeared to me that far more frequent and more wanton cruelty were exercised by my country men over these unfortunate people than even their neighbors the Dutch fam'd for inhumanity, are guilty of. One rule however they strictly observe which is never to Punish when ships are there.

Quite likely Cook had forgotten Banks's outrage, otherwise he would not have been surprised to find that the English settlers were offended because Hawkesworth had tarnished their reputation.

In the event, Cook decided to ascertain the facts for himself. A guided tour and a dinner party given by a landowner upcountry offered him an over-all view of the island--and the official view of its economy. He also tramped and rode horseback over the hills, observing the slaves repairing the roads and tending the pastures, and asking them how they were getting on. Naturally they told him what their masters wished him to hear.

At that time, many cargo vessels of the East India Company made St. Helena an important way station, and much of the human merchandise was shipped in from the Far East and Madagascar. Some fourteen hundred slaves did the bidding of the four hundred or so of the "Principal Inhabitants," who no doubt were relieved to find how easily Cook dismissed the charge of cruelty. He had no wish to stir up trouble for his compatriots, and his statement that "there is not a European settlement in the world where slaves are better treated and better fed than here" might have been technically correct. As compared with Banks, however, he was more than a little disingenuous, especially because he observed, with typical perspicacity, that the slaves "subsist cheifly on Yams, Rice and Fish" even while the island teemed with 2,500 cattle, 3,000 sheep, besides hogs, poultry, and goats--animals rarely of benefit to the slaves, as he noticed, but rather reserved for the settlers and the company ships. Although the English were obviously industrious, Cook could see, they really should be setting aside more land for fresh vegetables, "articles that are always wanting to Shipping." At least he could speak with experience on that score.5

Having assured everyone that he could see how up-to-date things were, Cook was ready to enjoy the evening party arranged for the mariners. He and Governor Skottowe might have known each other in their Yorkshire childhood, Cook's father having worked the farm that was owned by the governor's father at the town of Great Ayton. The English were pleased with Cook's essayed gallantry. "Celebrated beauties," he pronounced, possessed of "an easy and genteel deportment and bloom of Colour."

Resolution made sail on May 21, still in company with Dutton. A friendly salute of thirteen guns, exchanged from each ship and from the fort, echoed off the cliffs of James Bay.6 The St. Helena establishment breathed easily once again when Cook discreetly omitted any mention of slavery from the official account of the voyage, in 1777. But he did include the tart remark, first written when he was safely at sea, that better management was hardly possible as long as the island remained "in the hands of the Company and their servants."7

It could hardly have been the sort of experience to which Cook had long since grown accustomed, St. Helena, having his own compatriots stand up to him like that, even though the Hawkesworth had given him forewarning. With a deck under him no one ever challenged his authority with impunity, and even the headstrong Reinhold Forster obeyed his orders after a fashion. The minute he stepped on English soil, however, he encountered the complexities of life on land from which he had been exempt for three years--a harbinger of things to come. Cook wore more than one hat on his voyages, but a social reformer he was not.

American privateers had been reported in the neighborhood of Ascension Island. "On pretence of Whaling or catching Turtle," explained Cook, but their real purpose was illicit trade with home-bound India ships. Officials of the East India Company, hoping to discourage temptation among their sea captains, had sent out orders to St. Helena that Company ships should stand clear of those waters. Dutton accordingly would not accompany Resolution, but would sail west and north to avoid falling in with Ascension. On May 24 Cook sent a packet of officers' journals over to his new friend Captain Rice, who would deliver them to the Admiralty. Dutton then continued on her way to England with the news that Resolution was only a couple of months out, Cook intending to touch at Ascension to take on turtle as a substitute for the three year-old salt beef.

Making the island on May 28, at 477 miles below the equator, Resolution lay in the road for three days while the sailors turtled. No settlers or slaves this time meant no awkward conversations. The principle inhabitants of the volcanic landscape seemed to be the goats that cropped the surviving vegetation--Purslain, spurg, and grasses, which the Forsters collected and described. A resort of boobies, men-'o-war, and other tropic birds, Ascension Island presented an otherwise unattractive aspect. Ships calling there took on large numbers of the female turtles (the Green Turtle, Chelonia mydas) that came ashore to lay eggs in the sand.

A seventy-ton sloop out of New York anchored near Resolution. The story her captain was "pleased to tell" was that he had come to fetch turtles for Barbados Island in the Caribbean, but Cook was inclined to think he was looking for a willing East India ship. This New York captain, "a sencible and intillegent man" named Greves, explained the American turtling procedure which the English sailors followed. The sailors would lie in wait until the turtles crawled out of the surf; then the sailors would flip them over to immobilize them until they could be carried off at daybreak. Greves told of a ship out of Bermuda that sailed away with a cargo of 105 aboard. Cook's ire was aroused on finding that the Bermuda crew, having overturned more than could be used, ripped them open to remove the eggs and "left the Carcasses to putrefy an act as inhuman as ingerous." The turtles landed from January to June, he was informed. (Greves did not know his turtles; the season is December to

May.) Because only females came ashore, Cook was certain that they landed only to lay eggs. And empty stomachs meant a long journey. "This may be the reason why the flesh of them is not so good as some I have eat on the Coast of New South Wales which were caught on the spot they fed," he recalled. Only twenty-four turtles were hoisted aboard Resolution, the season being late, but as they weighed four and five hundred pounds each, "we thought ourselves not ill of."8

Those Americans, wrote Reinhold, were amazing: their spirit and boldness in crossing the broad Atlantic in only a single-masted sloop. But his admiration did not extend to their boldness in breaking the law, for his sympathies still lay with England. He continued: their own "Great Continental Congress" had forbidden them from importing East India goods, but here they were on a smuggling foray. Because they had grown up in the "Forests & wilds of America," Reinhold said, he took them to be an inflexible, unruly, and licentious lot, lacking due appreciation for the kind and gentle treatment they had received from "the Mother-Country, who at a vast Expense of Blood & Money removed the terror from their Backs, the French in Canada," and in his view they were living under nobody's control.

In due course Reinhold's political views would be subject to the winds of change, but not his views in geology. Having climbed high elevations on St. Helena and Ascension, he was convinced that both islands were volcanic in origin. His conclusions in the Pacific were supported by what he found in the Atlantic--"the high solitary Islands of the Great Ocean, owe their Origin to a Volcano." At the close of the century Vulcanists and Neptunists would square off in contentious debate, but Reinhold was already convinced that volcanic action was a significant agent in determining the surface features of the Earth.9


If the officers, deck hands, and especially Reinhold Forster were anxious to see old England again, Cook saw no reason to forego any remaining opportunity for "the improvement of Navigation and Geography for the sake of geting home a Week or fortnight sooner." He therefore sailed northwest toward the coast of Brazil with fine gales of the southeast trades behind him, in order to obtain the exact position of Fernando de Noronha. This island lies about three hundred eighty-three miles east of the present coastal city of Forteleza. Cook made this side trip in order to clear up a nautical problem that had caught his fancy on the Endeavour voyage, when, outbound from England in 1768, he had entered the neighborhood of Fernando de Noronha. At that time he did not know whether he was east or west of the correct longitude because his charts gave conflicting positions, and he had hurried on south. This time, having a reliable watch for determining longitude, he would settle the matter.

Approaching from well to the east and standing near on June 9, Revolution showed the flag and sailed slowly past this pleasant tropical island, in full view of several forts that ran up the Portuguese colors and that fired questioning cannon shots. While the ship maintained her way, Cook and Wales calmly went about their business of taking observations of the Sun and Moon, and of reckoning positions by means of lunars and the watch.10 Their calculations finished, Resolution bore away north without dropping anchor. Through most of the afternoon the mystified Portuguese wondered why the British vessel made no move either to bring to or to answer their signals. They could only peer through their glasses at the figures on the quarterdeck gazing skyward, until the departing ship finally dropped a shot leeward in return salute.

In taking advantage of the prevailing wind patterns, Resolution was describing a track up the Atlantic that resembled a reversed question mark, its stem formed by St. Helena and Ascension Islands supporting its westward bulge toward the Brazils. Shaping a course northward, she crossed the equator on 11 June, with light airs, squalls, and calms by turns embarrassing her progress across the doldrums of the horse latitudes. On the 18th the breeze quickened, allowing her to step more briskly as she entered the band of the northeast trades. With England less than an ocean away on the 21st, Cook suddenly took it into his head to test the efficacy of the still in providing fresh water in warm latitudes. Only once before on the voyage had he turned to the sill; southbound from Cape Town, it had performed well in cold weather.11 This time, in fourteen hours the galley hands used only a bushel and a half of coal, just three-quarters of a bushel more than required to boil the "Victuals" for a day. Thirty-two gallons were condensed from sea water. With a noon temperature of 84 1/2Ol this volume was quite satisfactory, Cook decided. On the whole a useful device, he thought, but no one should ever depend completely on a still even with good coppers. While "you may obtain as much water as will support life," he allowed, "you cannot, with all your efforts, obtain Sufficient to support health." He had always been able to bring aboard far more than sufficient fresh water--and he had always taken care to do so. "Nothing contributes more to the health of Seamen than having plenty of Water," he opined.12

Pelagic seaweed floated past. An occasional sail was sighted. Revolution was in the Sargosso Sea and the shipping lanes. When the westerlies arrived on 9 July, she changed course northeast for the Azores, her last port of call. Because the day was far spent when the island of Faial rose above the horizon, on July 13--too late to enter the harbor--it was necessary to make short boards offshore during the night. The next morning the "Master of the Port" (the pilot) came on board and directed Resolution to a place of anchorage, where she lay for five days near an American sloop, a French frigate, and a Portuguese brig. A bit of unpleasantness ruffled this arrival. Cook did not receive his customary thirteen-gun salute because the governor, unmoved by voyages of exploration, would not return his shots gun for gun, nor could they agree on a lesser number. And Cook apparently refused to pay the three-shilling fee of the harbor pilot, for the technical reason that it was "demanded as Port Charges and not as Pilotage." But Resolution was riding at anchor, and the business at hand could proceed.

Cook's main reason for touching at Faial was to give Wales an opportunity to ascertain the rate of error of Kendall watch, an operation that could only be done on land, in order to determine the most accurate longitude for the island. He therefore sent Wales to treat with a Portuguese consular official, who gladly allocated the use of his garden for the purpose. Before the first day was out, Wales had set up the astronomical instruments for the last time on the voyage, with the pendulum clock adjusted for the local latitude, and he had made the first of his equal altitudes of the Sun. The explorer must never weary in improving navigation and geography, and besides, Cook had never been in the Azores before.

While Wales labored on the improving, Cook savored his final description of an island, and his journal reveals him adding a little improvement of his own. He hurried out by boat to examine the bay with lead line and sextant--the bottom was six to twenty fathoms, a prominent church "N 38O West," and Pico Island four miles away." The Portuguese sea captain, warmed by the spirit of improving geography, amiably warned him of a submerged rock, and Cook dutifully wrote down its location. Like cronies, they gravely discussed nautical matters. Cook then turned to the amenities the town of Horta offered to seafarers. Fifteen tons of water were taken aboard; he thought the delivery price of three shillings per ton was worth the saving of labor, and the sailors agreed. The religious establishments caught his fancy, and he tabulated their number--a Jesuit college, three monasteries for men, two for women, and eight churches. Beef, vegetables, and fruit were plentiful, the Faial wine really came from Pico, and we are to understand that the bullocks and hogs were good. As for the flax and earthenware, "any day" of the week the London merchants could give a better account than his. All he intended was to report the local "Shelter and Refreshments, things which are not well known." Faial might have been just another island in the South Pacific.13

Wales having finished his observations, and Cook having no more navigation and geography that wanted improvement, Resolution weighed on July 19 and made sail for Plymouth, there being no more islands to investigate.


All one hundred and nineteen men aboard were in fine fettle as the epic voyage drew to a close.14 George and Reinhold Forster, secluded in their cramped quarters, hurried to finish their Latin manuscripts. One would be a major monograph entitled the Descriptiones Animalium, bringing together all of the zoological observations made during the voyage, mainly of birds, fishes, and insects, and also some mammals; and many of the other publications would be on plants, including the Characteres Generum Plantarum. Reinhold was his usual grumpy self. The learned world very shortly would see in print just what they had accomplished, despite the tribulations visited on them by those ignorant sailors. Cook, too, intended to publish. He kept his clerk, William Dawson, scribbling and copying to the end. Hundreds of pages of his journal--probably four copies of it, in fact--were spread out in the great cabin, as he recast, revised, deleted, and filled out whole sections of his creation. He would be the author of a book, and this time that Hawkesworth person would keep his hands off.

Reinhold penned the last line in his daily journal: "Our Hopes & Joy now get every moment new food & new Increments & we expect to morroe in the Afternoon to be at an Anchor at farthest." For the next two hundred eighteen years his Journal would remain unpublished and largely unknown by science. When Resolution dropped anchor at Spithead shortly before noon on Sunday, July 30, 1775, after an absence of three years and eighteen days, twenty-nine year-old second lieutenant Charles Clerke had already captured the mood of the entire ship in his joyous letter to his friend Banks:15

...I assure you I've devoted some days to your service in very distant parts of the Globe. I shall send this away by our civil Gentry, who will fly to Town with all the sail they can possibly make. If I receive no intelligence form you I shall draw bad conclusions and clap on my suit of black...Excuse the Paper, its gilt I assure you, but the Cockroaches have piss'd upon it.--We're terribly

busy--you know a Man of War.

Cook and the "civil Gentry" climbed on the next post chaise for London, Bayly and Wales carefully tending the wonderful Kendall watch for delivery to the mighty Nevil Maskylene, the Astronomer Royal, at Greenwich, where it has been ticking away ever since, the Forsters proudly carrying their valuable manuscripts and memorabilia.


The next afternoon botanist Daniel Solander was hanging around the Admiralty building, and sure enough, there came Cook looking fine and sauntering into the board room to give an account of himself. Solander was plainly curious about the voyage his friend Banks had caused him to miss. Since Dutton and the other ships from Cape Town had already docked with a full report of the voyage, Cook had only to summarize how he had kept scurvy off his ship. That only four sailors had perished testified to his deft touch in maintaining health at sea; of these only one died of illness, "a consumptive disorder," the other three by accident and drowning. George Forster thought this record was most impressive. Because English "Bills of Mortality" showed that three persons in a hundred died each year, he declared, studious young man that he was, then the three-year voyage was unusually healthy and safe: more than four sailors might be expected to have died.

The Cook that Solander saw strolling into the Admiralty board room was not the diffident lieutenant who had stolen away unnoticed to Mile End at the conclusion of the first voyage. This time he exuded self-confidence. The report he had sent ahead aboard Dutton could not fail to satisfy their Lordships, he knew, and he was ready to declare himself of the subject that could never escape their attention--scurvy, that scourge of all seafarers. Indeed bringing back a shipload of sailors healthy after so long a time at sea was enough by itself to cheer any sea captain. The horrors of the disease had been forced upon him long before on the St. Lawrence River; ever since he had grappled with the problem; after seventeen years he was walking in with a solution. Before long the Royal Society would sit up and take notice. How had he done it? The memorandum he submitted to the Admiralty was based, as usual, on precise observations he himself had made on the value of particular foods in preventing and treating the sea disease scurvy. As a seafaring essay on nutrition it managed to be correct more often than not.

"Mort made of Malt" when used with other articles was one of the best "Sea Medicines" to prevent scurvy, Cook thought, although it was not a cure. "Sour Kraut can never be enough recommend[ed], it is not only a Wholesome Vegitable diat but highly Antiscorbutic & spoils not by keeping." Oil should be banished from the navy, he announced to their Lordships; so should butter and cheese, which only smell up the place, and sugar should be "Introduced in their room" since it also helps to prevent scurvy. Wheat keeps better than oatmeal--what's more the sailors like it--and bread should never be stowed on rainy days. Beef and pork fat were never served "as their can be no Doubt but it promotes the Scurvy." The galley kettles were always scrubbed, Cook dutifully assured his betters, and especially after wet weather the sailors washed and dried their hammocks and clothes (and, he could have added, themselves). Neither stench below decks nor smelly sailors anywhere did he abide. He was one to have definite ideas about health.

The fine points of Cook's nutritional expertise, such as his adoration of sugar, notwithstanding, no doubt remains that much of his success in preventing scurvy from taking hold lay in his utter zeal in locating fresh food at every landing. He wrote with quiet and well-merited pride:16

We came to few places were either ye art of Man or Nature had not provided some sort of refreshment or other, either in ye Animal or Vegitable way, & it was my first care to procure them by every Means in my power & Oblig'd ye people to make use of them both by example and authority.

How did Cook keep scurvy off the ship? Certainly not by knowing that scurvy is caused by vitamin C deficiency, and that he needed only to provide foods that contained this nutrient. No one knew that; although in 1753 the naval physician James Lind had shown decisively that citrus fruit did prevent the disease, his work was neglected. Long before Lind's time the connection between diet and scurvy was recognized; various ships' logs, in fact, were sprinkled with reports that oranges and lemons prevented teeth from falling out and that they prevented hemorrhagic blotches on the skin. It was simply thought that the acidic properties of the fruit were beneficial, no one knowing of ascorbic acid, and that any other source of acid would do as well; for this purpose vinegar was far cheaper than bulky Mediterranean or West Indian limes. Cook therefore had no clear precedent for singling out oranges and lemons as special antiscorbutics. On the contrary, he had reason to think otherwise because he had noticed that "rob," prepared by boiling citrus juice to a syrup for ease of storage, was ineffective, as indeed it was inasmuch as heat destroys vitamin C. In fact, his disenchantment with "rob" coupled with his subsequent endorsement of the substance "malt" by the Admiralty, in part because of his recommendation, had the effect of delaying the introduction of the one remedy that would have promptly driven scurvy from the high seas once and for all.

At any rate, it was because of Cook's insistence on fresh food in general, as shown by the passage above, that his sailors willy-nilly absorbed vitamin C from a variety of sources--such as the wild onions and celery he seemed to find everywhere, greens of all kinds, and fruit that often included the citrus variety. If anything edible offered even a remote prospect of promoting the health and well-being of his sailors, he would first try it himself, then order it served at the mess, and watch for the results. As for the sea stores, his malt, of course, contained no vitamin C, but it did contain the beneficial B complex, as did his wheat. Because fat tends to inhibit the absorption of vitamin C, his policy of reducing the fat intake did help to prevent scurvy, as he observed. His mainstay was sauerkraut, whose richness in vitamin C he could not suspect; but he could see for himself that sauerkraut worked, and that was all that mattered. And keeping the sailors clean and dry--he brooked no nonsense about that--helped to prevent the depletion of body nutrients. On the whole, Cook did rather well with the program of preventive medicine that he boldly proposed to the Admiralty.

Considering that the value of citric juice was not officially recognized by the Admiralty until 1795, and that British 'tars' were not called "limeys" until after 1865, when limes were regularly introduced, it must be admitted that the second voyage did fall short of solving the problem of sea scurvy. All the same, Cook's demonstration that good health could be maintained for long periods at sea by proper and rigorous attention to cleanliness and diet constituted a major achievement of navy medicine. But not all sea captains were like Cook. Especially on merchant vessels, cleanliness and diet were often looked upon as a lot of trouble, while frequent landings for fresh food only interfered with a ship's schedule and reduced the profits of a long voyage. For many years sailors continued to be sacrificed needlessly and were buried at sea.17


"Glorious Voyage!" David Solander was besides himself with excitement when he wrote to Banks of Cook's appearance at the Admiralty. "He rather looks better than when he left England." Cook's greetings to Banks were the friendliest possible, Solander added, and Cook would have included greetings himself, were he not in such a hurry to see his wife at Mile End. These cordial sentiments could only have left Banks feeling like a fool, in view of the way he had behaved toward Cook just before embarkation--all the more so when he read Clerke's amiable letter which Solander enclosed. And would Banks kindly give Solander's compliments to Miss. Ray? It seemed that Banks was partying aboard Augusta on the Thames when the letters reached him. The news brought the yacht back to town where Banks quickly made himself scarce.

Two weeks later Solander wrote the invisible Banks again, this time to report on the welcoming ceremonies aboard Resolution, which meanwhile had been carried round and up the Thames to Galleon's Reach. Solander left the Tower of London early on August 13 and collected "Miss. Ray & Co." on the way downstream to the party. Everyone who counted was there; the marines lined up looking smart, Sandwich's mistress was arrayed in the finest the government could provide, and Banks's mates inquired and longed for no one but him. "All our friends look as well as if they had been here all the while in clover." Pickersgill made the various ladies sick when he suddenly reached into a cask of preserving fluid and pulled out his New Zealand cannibal heads. The anatomist John Hunter would stop by for the specimens in the morning. Solander saw three ugly Tahitian dogs, looked at various bird paintings meant for Banks, and heard talk of Anderson's herbarium. Sandwich, his Martha standing nearby, handed out promotions to the navy people.

Reinhold Forster remained aloof from the festivities, especially since they did not center around him; furthermore, he had more important things to do, tending the livestock he had brought from the Cape. Somehow two stalwart Secretary Birds (Sagitarrius serpentarius), which Solander called eagles and which stood four feet tall, and an elegant springbuck (springbok, the gazelle or antelope of South Africa, Antidorcas marsupialis) had survived his ministrations on the Atlantic. Martha took a fancy to the birds, but Reinhold Forster said, no, they were for Queen Charlotte.

Oh, it was one glorious day, wrote Solander. On the whole, it really was Cook's voyage, this time nothing at all like the return of Endeavour. Banks in fact had made himself conspicuous by his absence. A week or so after the party, when several sailors called at his mansion on New Burlington Street to give him some curiosities, he was not at home. Where was he, anyway? He had marched off the voyage in a huff, but here were his mates asking for him and waiting to give him presents. He would have to show up sometime. After a month or so of embarrassment, rather like his behavior toward Harriet Blosset (his erstwhile beloved), he did show up, and later in September he could be seen having coffee with Cook at the Mitre over on Fleet Street.18

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