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  1. From the newspaper accounts in two Cook sources edited by James C. Beaglehole: (a) the first volume of the Cook Journals: 1955, I, The Voyage of Endeavour, Cambridge: for the Hakluyt Society, p 641-655; to which I refer here as "Cook I." And (b) the Beaglehole edition of the Banks Journal: 1962, The Endeavour Journals of Joseph Banks, 1768-1771, London and Sydney: Angus and Robertson, by the Trustees of the Public Library of New South Holland, vol. I, p 51-52, to which I refer here as "Banks I, or Banks II." London had about fifty newspapers at the time.
  2. Cook I, p clxv-clxvi; p 503-505.
  3. Ibid., p 635. Beaglehole, James C., 1974, The Life of Captain James Cook, Stanford University Press, p 275.
  4. Cook I, p 505-506. Beaglehole, 1974, op cit., p 276.
  5. Apparently this was the 3rd Earl of Orford in whose mansion the meeting took place; it is described in a number of sources. (a) Ellis, Annie Raine, editor, 1889, The Early Diary of Francis Burney, 1768-1778, 2 vols., London: George Bell and Sons; vol. I, p 133-134. (b) Scholes, Percy Alfred, 1948, The Great Dr. Burney, his life, his travels, his works, his family and his friends, 2 vols., London, New York: Oxford University Press, vol. I, p 194-196. (c) d'Arblay, Francis, 1832, Memoirs of Doctor Burney, arranged from his own manuscripts, from family papers, and from personal recollections, 3 vols., London: Edward Moxon, vol. I, p 267-269. And (d) Beaglehole, 1974, op cit., p 267-277.
  6. Chancellor, Edwin Beresford, 1925, Hell-Fire Club, London: P. Allan and Company; on Wilkes and Sandwich: 45, 181ff. McCormick, Donald, 1958, The Hell-Fire Club, the Story of the Amorous Knights of Wycombe, London: Jarrolds. Allen, Robert Joseph, 1933, The Clubs of Augustan London, Harvard University Press, p 119-124, 136, 143, 151. Wilson, Colin, editor, with Christmas Humphreys, 1977, Dark Dimensions, A Celebration of the Occult, New York: Everest House. Scholes, op cit., vol. I, p 195ftn-196ftn. Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th edition, 1910, IV, p 730c. Horace Walpole became the 4th Earl of Orford in 1791 at age 74 on the death of his nephew, the 3rd Earl of Orford, who was called his "mad nephew"; Ellis, 1889, op cit., I, p 133ftn; and Dobson, Austin 1910, Horace Walpole, A Memoir, London: Harper & Brothers, p 262.
  7. Martelli, George Ansley, 1962, Jemmy Twitcher, A Life of the Fourth Earl of Sandwich, 1718-1792, London: Cape. Walpole Society, 1926, Journals of Visits to Country Houses, Oxford, by H. Hart, vol. 26. See Martelli for the Ray liaison; and "Montagu, John, Fourth Earl of Sandwich," Dictionary of National Biography. As for Martha, at age 34 she spurned the attentions of a certain James Hackman, aged 27, who on 7 April 1779 waited for her with a brace of pistols outside Covent Garden for the conclusion of a theatrical performance and shot her dead. On the 16th he was tried in the Old Bailey and sentenced to death by hanging, and on the 19th he was accompanied by James Boswell on his journey to Tyburn, where he went to his reward. As for Sandwich, opinions that people held about him were not indifferent. Sandwich's sally to Wilkes, that he would meet his end either by the pox or the hangman's noose, brought Wilkes' lightning reply: "That depends, my Lord, on whether I embrace your mistress or your principles." When two friends saw Sandwich on the street, one said, "I say, is that not Sandwich?" The other replied, "Yes, for if you will observe, he is walking down both sides of the street at once."
  8. Anonymous (Magra ?), 1771, An Account of A Voyage Round the World, in the Years 1768, 1769, 1770, and 1771, Undertaken in Pursuit of Natural Knowledge, at the Desire of the Royal Society, containing All the various Occurrences of the Voyage, London: Printed for T. Becket & P. A. de Hondt. On Magra, see Cook I, p cclvi-cclxiv.
  9. Cook, I, p ccxliii, ccxlix. Scholes, op cit., p 194-196. Cook's pay, from minutes of the Royal Society of London meeting of 19 May 1768; Beaglehole, 1974, op cit., p 131, 290.
  10. Cook I, p 506-509.
  11. Banks I, p 53.
  12. Based on the Barrington letter in Banks I, p 55-56. Johann Reinhold Forster picked up the gossip about the payoff, in Beaglehole 1974, op cit., p 274fn. Banks's mother and sister looked after him until 1779, when he married Dorothea Hugessen, sixteen years younger, of Kent, who then looked after him and took over the task of running his household; Banks I, p 119.
  13. Banks's letter in Banks I, p 59.
  14. Dawson, Warren Royal, editor, 1958, The Banks Letters, a calendar of the manuscript correspondence of Sir Joseph Banks preserved in the British Museum, the British Museum (Natural History) and other collections in Great Britain, London: Trustees of the British Museum; p xxviii.
  15. My interpretation is based on the preface in the book by Stanfield Parkinson, 1773, A Journal of a Voyage to the South Seas, Printed for Stanfield Parkinson, the Editor: and told by Messrs Richardson and Urquhart, at the Royal Exchange, etc...in Curzon-Street, Mayfair. See also Banks I, p 54-61. And Corner, Betsy, and Christopher C. Booth, 1971, editors, Chain of Friendship: Selected Letters of Dr. John Fothergill of London, 1735-1780, Cambridge: Harvard, Belknap Press; p 457. Parkinson, Sydney, 1784, A Journal of a Voyage...to which is now added, Remarks by the late John Fothergill... London: Printed for C. Dilly, etc.
  16. Smith, James Edward, 1821, A Selection of the Correspondence of Linnaeus, and Other Naturalists, 2 vols., London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, and Brown; vol. I, p 259-260, 263-266, 275. Latin cited in Banks I, p 53.
  17. From papers given at the James Cook Conference, April 26-29, 1978, at Simon Fraser University, Burnaby, British Columbia: "Cook's Oxford Tutor: Sir Joseph Banks and European Expansion in the Pacific Region, 1767-1820"; Stearn, William T., "The Botanical Results of Captain Cook's Three Voyages and their Later Influence"; Edwards, Phyllis I., "Sir Joseph Banks and the Botany of Captain Cook's Three Voyages of Exploration." See also Arber, A., 1945, "Sir Joseph Banks and Botany," Chronica Botanica, 9: p 94-106.
  18. Endeavour brought back about 1,000 animal specimens, among them some 250 fishes, about 110 birds, five mammals including a kangaroo skin, and some 500 insects. Most of these were disbursed to museums across Europe. Paper given at the James Cook Conference, op cit.: Whitehead, P. J. P., 1978, "Zoological Collections Brought Back from Cook's Voyages."
  19. Banks I, p 71. Smith, 1821, op cit., I, p 268-270. Income, in Banks I, p 75fn.
  20. Ibid., I, p 272-274.
  21. Banks's letter quoted in Banks I, p 120-121; and in Rauschenberg, Roy A., 1968, "Daniel Carl Solander, Naturalist on the 'Endeavour", Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, 58, part 8: p 42-43.
  22. (a) Stearn, William T., January 1968, "The Botanical Results of the Endeavour voyage," Endeavour, vol. 27, p 3-16; (b) Britten, James, 1900-05, Illustrations of the Botany of Captain Cook's Voyage round the world in H. M. S. Endeavour in 1768-71 by the Right Honourable Sir Joseph Banks and Dr. Daniel Solander, London: Trustees of the British Museum. (c) Blunt, Wilfrid, and William T. Stearn, 1973, Captain Cook's Florilegium, A Selection of Engravings from the drawings of plants collected by Joseph Banks and Daniel Solander on Captain Cook's first voyage to the islands of the Pacific, London: Lion and Unicorn Press.
  23. The ever-rising costs and a possible decrease in income from his estate brought on by the colonial war and the political turmoil in France might have been among the reasons why Banks abandoned the project. Poor economic conditions in 1778-1784 are described in: Ashton, Thomas Southcliffe, 1959, Economic Fluctuations in England, 1700-1800, Oxford: At the Clarendon Press, p 77, 62-63, 100-101.
  24. In 1980, the British Museum, taking up where Banks left off, began the ten-year monumental project of printing a limited edition of 100 copies of the Banks Florilegium, using all of the surviving 738 engraved copper plates of plants collected and classified by Banks and Solander aboard Endeavour. The plates were engraved under Banks direction in 1771-1784, based on the drawings and paintings done by Sydney Parkinson. From these, illustrations were printed by the á la poupée process. Banks's Florilegium, 1980-1990, London: Alecto Historical Editions and the British Museum (Natural History), limited edition of 100 sets.
  25. The Endeavour Journal of Joseph Banks, 1768-1771, edited by James C. Beaglehole in 1962 (Sydney: Angus & Robertson), from whose superlative book-length biography of Banks, in vol. I, pp 1-150, I developed my portrait of Banks. See also Cameron, Hector C., 1952, Sir Joseph Banks, The Autocrat of the Philosophers, London: Batchworth Press; Lyte, Charles, 1981, Sir Joseph Banks, Eighteenth-Century Explorer, Botanist, and Entrepreneur, North Pomfret, Vermont: David and Charles; O'Brien, Patrick, 1997, Joseph Banks, A Life, University of Chicago Press.
  26. Mackay, David, 1974, "Banks, Bligh and Breadfruit," New Zealand Journal of History, April: p 61-77. Lovett, Richard, 1899, The History of the London Missionary Society, 2 vols, London: Frowde. Banks wrote a letter of introduction for Robert Morrison who presented it to the East India Company authorities in Canton when he arrived there as a missionary; Dawson, Banks Letters, op cit., p 696, 785. Banks, on behalf of the London Missionary Society, also assisted in obtaining sea passage for missionaries going to Australia and Tahiti; Dawson, p 186, 187. The connections among the 18th century Evangelical Revival, voyages of exploration, and the founding of the missionary movement are interesting and close. Thomas Haweis, a leading figure in the founding of the London Missionary Society kept Banks informed and sought his counsel; Banks apparently gave sympathetic advice when asked and effective assistance when he could. The Haweis-Banks connection is explored in: Wood, Arthur Skevington, 1957, Thomas Haweis, 1734-1820, London: SPCK, p 179, 217, 233-236. It is curious that the Banks connection does not appear in: Lovett, London Missionary Society, op cit.
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