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  1. Cook III, p 591-603; quotes: 594,593.
  2. Ibid., p 613. King wrote about 12,000 words (p 603-632) on the cultivation of plants, physiognomy of the natives and on their arts and crafts, cava drinking and surfboarding, and the status of women; he described the coastal geography of five islands, estimating a total population of 200,000 souls for Maui, Oahu, Molakai, and Kauai, but giving no figure for Hawaii; and he developed a creditable geneology of the royal family. Of course, he gave his own version of the death of Cook in the official account of the voyage; Cook and King, 1784, III, Chapter 3.
  3. This was on March 23, a bad day; Cook III, p 634.
  4. "Slops" were articles of clothing, bedding, and personal items kept under lock and key for the sailors.
  5. Cook III, p 642, 678, 1541-1542. The K1, that was made by Larcum Kendall, was tested extensively in the second voyage. Kendall constructed the K3 in 1772-1774 for the Board of Longitude. After some trials at Greenwich Observatory in 1775 it went aboard Discovery in 1776. It performed well, later joined Vancouver's expedition to the North Pacific in 1791-1795, and accompanied Matthew Flinders to Australia in 1801. K1, after being fixed by Kendall, made a trip to Australia, a second circumnavigation, and survived a shipwreck on Norfolk Island. Both K1 and K3 are now in retirement at the National Maritime Museum at Greenwich, outside London. See Howse, Derek and Beresford Hutchinson, 1969, "The Clocks and Watches of Captain James Cook, 17679-1969," Antiquarian Horology, p 64, 196-199.
  6. Bering named the settlement after his two ships.
  7. Cook III, quotes: p 650-652; 457, 644-648, 650-652, 658, 1254; prices, p 647, 658, 659.
  8. This was the second of only two occasions on the third voyage when the ships were separated and out of contact for more than a day. The other time was on the first approach to Kealakekua Bay. They were often out of sight of each other in various fogs, of course, but maintained contact with cannon shots and fires at the masthead. Ibid., p 652, 648fn-649fn, 1239-1240, quote: 649fn..
  9. Ibid., p 649-653, 658-659; Samwell gives the prices, p 1243. Only King reported the deck play; in Cook and King, 1784, III, p 368. In 1790 George and Reinhold Forster translated Benyowski into German; Hoare, 1978, The Tactless Philosopher, p 293.
  10. Cook III, p 656, 1242, 1245, quote: 659fn.
  11. Ibid., p 1241, 1243, 1245, 1252-1253, diagnosis: 657.
  12. From King's journal, in ibid., quote: p 663, 665.
  13. Obviously Catherine's court was not seeing fit to pass on the news to Behm, otherwise King would have learned about the unpleasantness with the Americans; ibid., p 665-666.
  14. Cook and King, 1784, III, p 217-218. In Samwell's gloss on this incident, the Chukchi people were scared by the ships into giving tribute; Cook III, p 1246. Letter sent by the Ambassador Sir James Harris (later Lord Malmesbury) dated 29 October 1779 from St. Petersburg to the Admiralty; in his Diaries and Correspondence, 1844, I, p 266-267; also in Cook III, p 1547-1548. The Harris letter with the news of this incident reached London in November of 1779, and the Cook connecion was made at once.
  15. Cook II, p 1245-1247, 665-671, quotes: 668, 669, 671.
  16. Ibid., p 668, 1247.
  17. Ibid., p 671, 1248. Cook and King, 1784, III, p 353. The souvenirs given by the English seamen as a token of their gratitude are now in the Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography in St. Petersburg. The collection from Hawaii, Tahiti, Tonga, and the Pacific Northwest consists of forty-seven artifacts, such as weapons, a feathered collar, wooden head-rest, fishing nets, and also fifteen prints, including several done by Hodges on the second voyage. Svetlana G. Fedorova, 1978 (Fall), "Captain Cook and the Russians," Pacific Studies, II, p 1-19 (Institute of Ethnography, Academy of Sciences, Moscow); and by Craig, Robert D., "The 1780 Russian Inventory of Cook Artifacts," ibid., p 94-97. An illustrated discussion is by Kaeppler, Adrienne l., 1978, Cook Voyage Artifacts in Leningrad, Berne, and Florence Museums (Bishop Museum, Honolulu).
  18. Cook III, p 1251-1252, 1259, 1249-1250, 1255, 1253, quotes: 1250, 1253.
  19. The gifts apparently were not free for Behm, inasmuch as the Court at St. Petersburg refused to reimburse him. Based on the prices and rate of exchange given by King and Clerke, in ibid., p 647, 658-659, Behm was out 4,800 rubles or 960 pounds for the cattle, tobacco, and flour alone. Nor apparently did the British government see fit to pay him, although he was sent an honorary plaque that went to the Russians government instead. The invaluable artifacts given him by the sailors might have been a fit recompense, had they not also gone to the Russian government. In 1799 he arrived in London penniless, and asked for a pension, which was refused; Cook III, p clxiiifn-clxivfn.
  20. Ibid., p 672. These documents included Cook's log and maps, Clerke's log and account of Cook's death, and King's report of the marine watches for the Board of Longitude, together with a covering letter from Clerke to the ambassador in St. Petersburg, Sir James Harris, commending Behm for his services, and a letter Clerke wrote to a friend in London. The report of Cook's death reached St. Petersburg by at least 21 December 1779; a letter with that date and giving notice of Cook's death, from the Academy of Sciences in St. Peters-burg, was published in London Magazine, February 1780, p 94. Clerke's letter, dated 8 June 1779, reached the Admiralty 10 January 1780; ibid., January 1780, p 43. Exactly which arrived by dog sledge express and which by Behm is unknown, but at least the account of Cook's death arrived first, because the London Gazette carried the news on 11 January 1780. Clerke's letter also arrived first, and was read to the Royal Society the next day. The letter Cook gave to Ismailov on October 21, 1778 (Cook III, p 457) apparently also went to Behm, and may even have been sitting at Avacha Bay when Clerke was dealing with him. The London Gazette of February 1780 (on p xlix, 43-44) tells of the maps being copied in St. Petersburg. These matters are discussed by Glyndwr Williams in his "Alaska Revealed: Cook's Explorations in 1778," p 81-82 in Shalkop, Z., and R. L. Shalkop, editors, 1980, Explorations in Alaska: Captain Cook Commemorative Lectures, June-November 1978, Cook Inlet Historical Society, Anchorage. See also Cook III, 672; Cook's letter, p 1530-1533; Clerke's, p 1535-1540; King's, p 1541-1542. Beaglehole 1978, p 680, 689.
  21. Armstrong, Terence, "Cook's Reputation in Russia," p 121-128 in Fisher, Robin, and Hugh Johnson, editors, 1979, Captain James Cook and His Times. Svet and Fedorova, 1978, op. cit. Svet has prepared a Russian translation of the Beaglehole edition of the Cook journals.
  22. Cook III, p 673.
  23. Clerke might have been sending over a pocket watch that he might have been using to reckoning longitude. He does not say whether it was the K2 or the Arnold, used by Bayle on Discovery, that had been transferred to Resolution to replace the K1, which was out of commission.
  24. Ibid., p 678-688, quote: 688. The ships ran in fog much of the time.
  25. Cape Lisburne rises to 1,568 feet. The maneuvers of the ships on July 7 and 8 are described by Clerke in Cook III, p 689-690; and by Samwell, p 1263-1264. I use Clerke's coordinates of position.
  26. Ibid., p 1264.
  27. Ibid., p 691. I estimate east-west distances from Clerke's daily noon positions; and by using Table 6, "Length of a Degree of Latitude and Longitude," in Bowditch, 1975, American Practical Navigator, II, p 124-125.
  28. Clerke's coordinates for July 18: Cook III, p 695. 692, 693. Samwell, p 1263.
  29. Ibid., p 696-697.
  30. Burney and Samwell wrote up this excitement; ibid., p 697-698, 1266-1267.
  31. Ibid., quotes: p 1268-1269. I use Burney's coordinates--July 23: 69º20'N, 187º17'E; July 27: 67º55'N, 188º26'E; ibid., p 697-698. For the isthmus, see Cook and King, 1784, III; and Burney, 1819, A Chronological History of North-eastern Voyages of Discovery, p 297-310. By 1823 the Russians had disposed of the isthmus theory by trekking overland along the coast. See Fisher, Raymond H., 1981, The Voyages of Semen Dezhnev, p 12-13, 175, 212-213.
  32. Cook III, p 698fn, 1269.
  33. Ibid., quote: p 699fn; Burney, 1819, op. cit., p 268. Phil DeHaas of the U.S. National Cartographic Center kindly gave me the altitude of Cape Lisburne (note 25 supra) and of Cape Dezhneva.
  34. From the Burney journal extracted in Cook III, p 699fn-700fn. Samwell also thought they were seeing only one island. It will be remembered that Cook had named an "Anderson's Island" and a "Clerke's Island" in the vicinity of what he knew was Saint Lawrence Island, that was discovered by Bering. Cook's islands were really eastern capes of Saint Lawrence Island. In 1791 Bligh wrote to Burney to complain about the published map, saying that Anderson's Island, notwithstanding the "authority of Capn Cook," was really "sunk into the sea'; he accepted the reality of Clerke's Island, however, although it also was at the bottom of the sea; ibid., p 1565. Because this map was published with the official account of the third voyage, in 1784, it is curious to find Bligh waiting seven years to complain. Declaring that he had done the maps of the Sandwich Islands, the Friendly Isles, Kealakekua Bay, and of Macao without receiving credit, he objected to finding the name of Henry Roberts on the other maps for which he had made the surveys.
  35. Clerke's letter to Banks, in ibid., p 1542-1544. Samwell gives the daily weather reports.
  36. Ibid., p 700fn-701fn, 1271-1272. The journal keepers wrote on and on about the green foliage. Possibly they expected Kamchatka to have snow in August. Beaglehole identifies the volcano. It is pleasant to come upon a "lighthouse" in the Pacific in the eighteenth century. A fire was lit there at night for the two incoming ships. King gives the hour of death; in Cook and III, 1784, III, p 280.
  37. Cook III, p 701fn-703fn, 1273. Going with Gore were James Burney and John Rickman who retained their ranks as first and second lieutenants, Burney taking King's place as first lieutenant aboard Resolution. John Williamson and master's mate William Lanyon of Resolution moved up one grade to replace Burney and Rickman aboard Discovery. Samwell, who detested Williamson, did not much care to see him at the mess table. King brought several capable midshipmen to help with the navigation, including Trevenen; Cook and King, 1784, III, p 268. Bayly took the Kendall watch (K3) with him when he was transferred to Resolution, leaving the Arnold aboard Discovery. King wrote of Clerke that: "The vigour and activity of his mind had in no shape, suffered by the decay of his body" (p 281).
  38. Samwell, Edgar, and King described the funeral; Cook III, p 702, 1273-1274; Cook and King 1784, III, p 289. Sea captains who later visited the grave were the Frenchman La Perouse in 1787, the Russian von Krusenstern in 1807, and F. W. Beecher of the Royal Navy in 1827; ibid., p 703fn, 1271-1274. In 1913 the British Admiralty put up a granite monument to Clerke, at a site in downtown Petropavlovsk; Svet and Fedorova, 1978, op. cit. (note 17 supra), p 10-11. A picture of the monument is on an unpaged addendum in: Pamyatniki Sibiri. Vostochnava Sibir i Dal'niy Vostok (Monuments of Siberia. Eastern Siberia and the Far East), Moscow, Izdatelsvo "Sovetskaya Rossiya," 1975. I am grateful to Terence Armstrong of the Scott Polar Research Institute, University of Cambridge, in a letter dated 4 March 1981, for information on the Clerke monument.
    In a letter to the Times of London dated 26 September 1990, Alexei I. Tsiurupa, of Petropavlovsk, Kamchatka, reported that an obelisk dedicated to Clerke still stands in the center of Petropavlovsk. I am grateful to Alwym Peel, Honorable Secretary of the Captain Cook Study Unit, in Dewsbury, West Yorkshire, for sending me this information, on 25 July 1998.
  39. Cook III, p 705, 707, 1275-1276. Gore listed the stores in a bill sent overland to the British Admiralty; p 1544-1546.
  40. On Sind, see ibid., p lxii-lxiv, cxxxi, cxxxvii; quote: p 704fn. Cook and King, 1784, III, p 292.
  41. This last visit in Avacha Bay is described in Cook III, by Samwell, p 1272-1282; Edgar, p 701-708; and by King in Cook and King, 1784, III, Chapters 5-7, p 282-381, with the drummer boy on p 309-310.
  42. Cook III, p 1546.
  43. Beaglehole annotated thirty-nine journals, logs, and sets of notes that have survived, some small, others extensive manuscripts like Andersons', Samwell's, and King's. They are in the Public Record Office, London, and do not include Cook's lengthy journal. Ibid., p clxxi-cxcvii.
  44. Ibid., from Gilbert's journal, p 709-712; and from Samwell, whose journal ended at Macao p 1282-1295.
  45. Cook and King, 1784, III, p 426.
  46. Ibid., p 430-431, 437-441; and Cook III, p 714 & fn. Penrose, John, 1850, Lives of Vice-Admiral Sir Charles Vinicombe Penrose K.C.B., and Captain James Trevenen; Penrose gives a truncated account of his uncle James. More dependable is Lloyd, Christopher, and R. C. Anderson, editors, 1959, A Memoir of James Trevenen, p 21-22, 28, with the Bligh and inlet buckle incident.
  47. Cook III, p 714fn. Cook and King, 1784, III, p 435, 439.
  48. Ibid., p 437-440. Portlocke, Nathaniel, 1789, A Voyage Round the World But More Particularly to the North-west Coast of America (in 1785-1788). Gough, Barry M., July 1978, "James Cook and the Origins of the Maritime Fur Trade," The American Neptune 38: p 217-224; and "Nootka Sound in James Cook's World," in Efrat, Barbara S., and W. J. Langlois, editors, 1978, Nu-tka, Captain Cook and the Spanish Explorers on the Coast (Sound Heritage vol. 7, No. 1, Aural History Quarterly, Provincial Archives of British Columbia, Vicoria). De Brossard, Rear Admiral C. R. Maurice, Fall 1978, "La Perouse's Expedition to the Pacific Northwest," 1785-1788," Pacific Studies II, p 44-51. Brossard commanded the voyage that went out in 1964-1965 to locate the wreck of La Perouse's flagship, Boussole.
  49. An excellent survey of the region and lands of the Bering Sea region from 1697 to 1975 is Hunt, William R., 1975, Arctic Passage, with details on trading companies and Americans in Siberia; and on sea otters, whales, and walruses.
  50. Cook III, p 713fn. Cook & King, 1784, III, p 445-446. The French directive, dated 19 March 1779, was published in the first biography of Cook, by Andrew Kippis, 1788 A Narrative of the Voyages Round the World Performed by Captain James Cook, p 390. Its origin is attributed by Kippis to the influence and recommendation of the French economist and statesman Anne Robert Jacques Turgot, who had fallen from political grace in 1776. Turgot thought Cook had only one ship; Oeuvres de Turgot, 1844, I, p cxvii. Turgot read Cook while in forced retirement, and was enthralled. His letter to the French Minister of Marine is in W. Walker Stephens, 1895, The Life and Writings of Turgot, p 151-152. The magnanimous Turgot, brought low by illness and political disgrace and within two years of his death at age fifty-four, had turned his thoughts from personal trouble to an act of international courtesy. This French gesture was similar to that issued by the English on behalf of the French mariner Jean-Charles Bordat, captain of the frigate Boussole, whom Cook met at Tenerife in August of 1776; Martin-Alliance, Jean-etienne, 1964, Bougainville, navigateur et les Découvertes de son temps, II, p 1455. Cook made no mention of the English gesture; in Cook III, p 9-11.
    The Franklin letter is in ibid., p 1535; and in Kippis, 1788, p 391-393. Because the Franklin letter is dated first, it is possible to think, as Kippis claimed, that the French were following his example. Franklin was quite put out when he learned that Kippis wrote that the American Continental Congress had reversed his directive (Kippis, p 392-393) and had issued an order to have Cook seized on the high seas. The Congress had done no such thing, and may not even have received Franklin's dispatch. The Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774-1789 make no mention of Cook for 1779-1780. In 1780 when the Royal Society of London struck a gold medal to honor Cook, Franklin was suggested as a recipient. Banks insisted on documentary proof from Franklin that the Continental Congress had also issued the directive on Cook's behalf, an undertaking that Franklin could not document. But Franklin finally did receive his medal, a free set of the Voyage (1784), and an effusive letter from Banks, who felt apologetic. See Clark, William Bell, 1954, "A Franklin Postscript to Captain Cook's Voyages," Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, vol. 98, p 400-405.
    In those days warring nations were capable of generous deeds to one another, and scientific communications passed without let across hostile frontiers. De Beer, Gavin, 1952, "the Relations between Fellows of the Royal Society and the French Men of Science when France and Britain were at War," Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 9: p 244-299; and 1960, The Sciences were Never at War.
  51. These records appear in print for the first time in the two parts of volume III of Cook edited by Beaglehole in 1967.
  52. These unauthorized versions were by Rickman, who, understandably, published anonymously in 1781, with editions the same year in Dublin and Philadelphia; Zimmerman, in German in 1781; Ellis, whom Clerke had recommended to Banks as a "worthy young man," in 1782, but worthy or not, was in want of funds; and the American from Groton Connecticut, John Ledyard, in 1783. These works give ineresting and valuable information on life in the fo'cs'le but they are not definitive. Cook III, p ccv-ccix.
  53. Burney, James, 1803-1817, A Chronological History of the Discoveries in the South Seas or Pacific Ocean, 5 vols. (To 1776; Cook is omitted); and 1819, A Chronological History of north-eastern Voyages of Discovery, and of the early eastern navigation of the Russians (Cook is included).
  54. Graphic records described in Cook III, p ccxi-ccxvii. Joppien, Rudiger, "The artistic Bequest of Captain Cook's Voyages--Popular Imagery in European Costume Books of the Late Eighteenth and early Nineteenth Centuries," in Fisher and Johnston, 1979, op. cit. And Smith, Bernard, 1969 (1960), European Vision and the South Pacific, analyzes the work of Webber in Chapter 3, "Cook's Third Voyage." See especially: Joppien, Rudiger, 1985, The Art of Captain Cook's Voyages.
  55. The Sandwich letter, in Cook III, p 1552-1553. For the duel, see: Manwaring, G. E., 1931, My Friend, the Admiral; The Life, FLetters, and Journals of Rear-admiral James Burney, p 152-153. And Beaglehole 1974,p 689. Also the January 1780 London Magazine, p 43-44. The London Gazette, the January 8 to 11, 1780 issue.
  56. Smith, Bernard, "Cook's Posthumous Reputation"; and Hoare, Michael E., "Two Centuries of Perception of James Cook: George Forster to Beaglehole"; in Fisher and Johnston, 1979, op. cit.
  57. The Bligh anecdote in Cook III, p lxxi; the Elliott in Cook II, p xxxvii.
  58. Cook III, p 1455-1456.
  59. Ibid., p 1562, lxxxvi, lxxxvii. Home, George, 1838, Memoires of the Aristocrat, p 273.
  60. Jones, J. G. Penrhyn, May 1955, "David Samwell (1751-1798), A Man of Parts," The Practitioner, 174: p 589-594. Davies, William, 1928, "David Samwell," Transactions of the Honourable Society of Cymmorodarion, Session 1926-27, p 70-133.
  61. Cook III, p lxxxvi, ccii-cciv. For King's role in the 1784 publication, see Wallis, Helen, 1978 (Spring), "Publication of Cook's Journals: Some New Sources and Assessments," Pacific Studies 2: p 163-194, especially from p 177.
  62. Cook III, p 716. From Trevenen's letters, ibid., p lxxvii, lxxxvi, 717fn, and Lloyd and Anderson, 1959, op. cit. (note 46 supra), p 30-36. Trevenen had his fill of excitement. While fighting on the side of the Russians against the Swedes in 1790, he was killed, at age thirty.
  63. These deaths brought the total to sixteen: eight by illness aboard Resolution, four marines and Cook at Kealakekua Bay, and three by accident on Discovery. Scurvy never gained a foothold on either ship throughout the voyage.


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